黑道採砂，村民輓歌

　新竹縣芎林鄉華龍村前村長疑似因堅決反對砂石業者在該村開採砂石，不幸遭到黑道份子痛毆，目前身受重傷，在醫院內接受治療。消息經媒體報導，讓人不勝欷歔，一方面是憤怒於黑道與砂石業者的結合，讓地方反對開挖砂石的村民遭到了暴力對待，生命嚴重受到威脅；另一方面，則是更感慨於我國砂石開採公共決策機制的不公平設計，使得村民僅能採取抗爭的手段來表達他們沈痛的反對意見。

　很遺憾的，時至二十一世紀，我國目前的機制設計卻仍然是建構於科技至上的實證知識論，專家的意見完全凌駕於地方經驗及村民的意見，後者是完全被排除。若以此開採案件的環境影響說明書為例，裡面充斥了科學相關的數據與模式，開發業者意欲透過科學客觀之形象來予以包裝，然而，這樣的作為其實早就受到許多嚴厲的批評，這是因為科學的運作也是建構於許多主觀的假說，其客觀性的主張是必須予以多方的討論與質疑，而不是盲目的接受。

　再者，環境影響評估是由砂石開發業者出資延聘顧問公司予以製作，在開發業者意圖開挖砂石的目標之下，顧問公司有可能拒絕金主的要求？這是我國環評制度根本的結構缺陷，這也可以說明為何我國過往環評的案例大抵皆是以「有條件通過審查」來予以結案，政府原先欲藉由環評制度的運作來解決環保抗爭的設想也完全落空，這是因為民眾，甚且是環保署所聘請的環評委員，根本就不相信由顧問公司所製作出來的環評結果。

　另一方面，新竹縣政府所據以核准開發業者進行土石採取的許可證，其法令之主要依據乃為民國八十八年修正施行的土石採取規則。然觀此規則第六條有關業者申請所需具備之條件，也皆不見地方住民意見之納入，而僅是著重於土地所有人或合法占有人是否同意而已。這對於具有嚴重鄰避效應的土石採取事業，其所應具備之所有權的社會化義務，在此規則內根本是不受到重視。

　因此，不論是在環境影響評估或是土石採取規則的「合法」決策機制，華龍村村民之意見根本是沒有位置的，他們純然是弱勢的一方，僅能接受專家科技迷思及官僚體制所規劃出來的公共政策，而當他們不願意接受這個霸權機制的設計時，我們卻發現公共政策的制度不僅沒有幫他們保留出路，他們僅能以抗爭來表達他們的意見，但他們所得到的回應竟然是黑道的暴力相向。

　華龍村近年來地方營造的力量相當成功，它於今年獲得了環保署社區營造之最高榮譽-環保模範社區優等獎，但是相當諷刺的是，主政者所積極推動的社區營造力量竟然無法在公共政策的決策機制內部尋得它們的位置，我們仍然是依循著以實證知識論為主導的決策及控制模式，這無疑是台灣社會的一大悲哀。

2007/12/25 發表於《中國時報》，A15，時論廣場

Think twice before selling the farm

Tuesday, Dec 18, 2007, Page 8

`Without adequate planning, the quality of the living environment not only did not improve, but worsened. In the end, Der Spiegel described Taiwan as a pigsty. Today, in the 21st century, are we going to repeat the mistake?'


ACCORDING TO RECENT media reports, Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) Legislator Lin Su-shan (林樹山) and fellow legislators are seeking to ammend Article 18 of the Agricultural Development Act (農業發展條例), lowering the required amount of agricultural area for a piece of agricultural land containing architectural structures from 0.25 hectares to 0.1 hectares.
If this amendment should pass a third reading, it would be tantamount to the deregulation of all agricultural land, inevitably causing great damage to our country.
This piece of legislation is not only concerned with construction of agricultural structures -- or holiday cottages -- but with whether our country still needs to maintain an agricultural industry.
The possession of agricultural land by farmers and the use of agricultural land for farming have been the two core components of Taiwan's previous agricultural policy. Yet with the social transformation of Taiwan and falling agricultural output figures, policies related to these two areas face serious challenges and are being fundamentally reformed.
The policy restricting agricultural land ownership to farmers was abandoned when amendments were made to the Agricultural Development Act in 2000: The owners and purchasers of agricultural land no longer need to be farmers, and property rights of agricultural land can now be transferred freely. The policy of agricultural land being reserved for agricultural uses has been subjected to similar concessions following enormous pressure from the construction industry. If Article 18 is altered, it will most likely be time to declare the end of the policies altogether.
Therefore, the serious issue which we face is this: If agricultural land no longer is reserved for farming, then what will be left of the agricultural industry?
Is it possible that we no longer wish to have an agriculture industry? What is the value of agriculture? Due to industrialization, the survival of agriculture has become extremely difficult. But consider these examples: Advanced nations such as Germany, the Netherlands and Japan are all actively protecting and developing their agricultural industries and agrarian outlook.
Taiwan needs to work in this direction more. Self-sufficiency in food supply is a security consideration for the country, and the enormous environmental, ecological, cultural, leisure and scenic value of agriculture dictates that we stress the continuity of the agriculture industry and not dismiss it with a narrow evaluation from a purely economic standpoint.
Though the preservation of agricultural land for agricultural purposes limits its use for other purposes, the measure is based on considerations of public welfare and social obligation, and does not infringe upon or deprive property owners of their constitutional rights.
Besides, the total deregulation of agricultural land without extensive planning does not guarantee a high standard of living, even if beautiful cottages are built on these sites.
Looking back on Taiwan's previous experience in urban development provides an answer: Prior to the passing of the Regional Planning Act (區域計畫法) and Non-Urban Land Use and Control Rules (非都市土地使用管制規則) in 1974, the development of agricultural land was basically unregulated. Many buildings were constructed on both sides of roads, resulting in disordered, leapfrog development.
Buildings were erected densely, but there was a lack of the many public infrastructure facilities required for daily life. Furthermore, without adequate planning, the quality of the living environment not only did not improve, but worsened. In the end, Der Spiegel described Taiwan as a pigsty. Today, in the 21st century, are we going to repeat the mistake?
Due to changing times, a partial deregulation of farmland is inevitable. Yet this change needs to be brought about through adequate planning and deliberation rather than through rushed attempts to lift limitations to allow building on agricultural land.
Currently, if the amendment is passed, almost every piece of agricultural land will be open to construction. The possible consequences are difficult to imagine.
Previously, the government promised that sustainable development would be a fundamental principle in policy making.
We cannot help but ask: Is this kind of deregulation in accordance with Taiwan's sustainable development? Should Taiwan retain agriculture? Would our standard of living be raised by deregulation? Is the government able to provide the enormous expense for public infrastructure after deregulation?
All of these issues deserve deep consideration before the finalization of the amendment.

Hsu Shih-jon is a professor at the Department of Land Economics at National Chengchi University.
Translated by Angela Hong";


Tuesday, Dec 18, 2007, Taipei Times, Page 8

終結農地 農業還剩什麼？

　　據報載，林樹山等立法委員於日前成功修改了重要的農業發展條例第十八條條文，將農舍坐落之農地面積下修，由○‧二五公頃降低至 ○‧一公頃，此修正條文倘若不幸通過三讀，如同是農地的全面釋出，必將造成國家重大的傷害，因為此條文所牽連的議題並非僅是農舍（或別墅）之興建，而是關係著我國是否還需要保有農業。
　　眾所皆知，農地農有及農地農用為過往台灣農地政策的二大核心，惟隨著台灣社會的轉型及農業經濟產值的低落，此二大政策皆面臨嚴峻之挑戰，並作了根本的變革。農地農有政策已經於民國八十九年農業發展條例的全面修正而被突破，農地之承買人並不需要具有農民之資格，農地產權因此是可以自由的移轉；而農地農用政策也在農舍興建的龐大壓力之下，屢次的退卻，此番農發條例第十八條倘若再作下修，大概是可以宣告農地農用政策終結的時候了。
　　因此，我們所面對的嚴肅課題是，農地若不再堅持作農用，那台灣的農業還剩下什麼？
　　我們有可能不要農業嗎？農業的價值在哪裡？由於工商業化的結果，農業的生存是相當的艱難，但若是以先進國家的經驗為例（德國、荷蘭、及日本），他們無不積極在維護及創造他們的農業及農村的景象，而台灣更是需要做這方面的努力，為什麼？這是基於糧食部分自給的國家安全考量、農業龐大的環境及生態價值、及農業具有文化及休閒美觀的價值等因素，讓我們必須堅持繼續擁有農業，無法純然由狹隘的經濟產值面向來予以對待。
　　此外，管制農地繼續作農業使用，會限制農地無法作為他用，然這是基於公共利益及社會義務的考量，並無侵害或剝奪了憲法所保障之私人財產權。
　　再者，農地在未經整體良善規畫之前，就作全面的釋出，雖然在基地內興建了美輪美奐的別墅，但就能夠保證獲得優良的生活品質嗎？回顧台灣過去的城鄉發展經驗或許就可以得到答案，在民國六十三年「區域計畫法」及「非都市土地使用管制規則」制定之前，農地的開發基本上是不受到限制的，許多的房屋建造於道路的兩旁，形成了蛙躍式的無秩序發展。
　　當時，房屋建築硬體是密密麻麻的蓋了起來，但相對的，卻是非常欠缺生活機能所必須的許多公共設施，進而在土地沒有適當規畫的情況下，人們的居住環境品質並未隨著改善，甚至於是每下愈況，後來竟被德國《明鏡雜誌》形容為「豬舍」。如今，處於二十一世紀的台灣，我們還要重蹈覆轍嗎？
　　由於時代的演變，部分農地的釋出是必然的現象，但這是需要良善的規畫與妥適的審議，而不是企圖經由農舍的興建，變相的解除農地的管制。此刻，修法之議倘若通過，每一塊農地幾乎皆可興建農舍，其可能帶來的嚴重後果實在是讓人難以想像。
　　以往，主政者信誓旦旦以永續發展的追求來作為政策制定的主要依歸，我們不禁要問，這樣的開放是否符合台灣的永續發展？台灣是否要繼續擁有農業？人民生活品質得否因此釋出而提升？政府是否有能力提供後續相當龐大的公共設施建設的支出？這都是在作修法決定之前，相當值得深思的課題。

2007/12/14 發表於《中國時報》，A22，時論廣場。

迎新生贈言

非常感謝本期主編黃灝雄老師的邀約，讓我能夠有機會針對本系新進同學表達個人的一些淺見，幾經思索，我想要談的是一個蠻嚴肅、卻也是老掉牙的課題，那就是地政學系的學術研究領域內涵，及我對於同學們學習態度上的建議。不過，必須事先強調，以下所言純然是個人主觀的見解，未必是系上老師及同學們的共識，然而，我倒是很期盼透過這樣的發抒及後續的討論，能夠讓我們一起來摸索及定義地政學術的學科領域，並探討其學習的態度。

地政學系的學術研究內涵是什麼？這個問題相當的重要，相信各位新生也都急切想探知這個問題的答案；其實，對於一位在地政學系任教的學術工作者而言，我不僅時常受到外界對於這個問題的詢問，在自我的內心也經常在思考探索這個問題，因為這涉及了地政學術的學科領域（discipline）。一般對於這個問題的解答，乃是地政學系的研究是要來解決社會上所發生的土地問題。由此所引發的重要課題，乃是，什麼是「土地問題」呢？我們該如何來定義它呢？是否有一客觀中立的定義能夠將所有的議題都包含進來呢？

根據我的經驗，土地問題的內涵是包羅萬象，它包含了政治、經濟、社會、科技、及自然生態環境等多元的面向，而且往往相當複雜、甚且彼此互相牽扯羈絆，舉例而言，蘇花高速公路是否要興建就是一個很好的例子，就土地實質規劃及工程技術層次而言，有了北宜高速公路及雪山隧道開通的經驗，可能已不是個問題，但是，眾所皆知，花蓮是台灣生態環境的重點區域，蘇花高的開通很有可能會對自然環境帶來極大的破壞，因此反對興建者並不在少數。可是，另一方面，若從經濟的角度視之，花蓮觀光業者及部份居民又對此高速公路的興建抱持著非常高的期盼，認為這是花蓮未來經濟發展及房價上漲的命脈。由於雙方意見的南轅北轍，使得蘇花高的興建變成是政治上極為敏感的議題，各重量級政治人士在發言時都極為小心對待，皆擔心會順了姑意，卻逆了嫂意，這也使得這個問題一直延續至今，仍然處於僵持的困境（dilemma）。除此議題之外，其實我們的社會還有許多重大的土地問題都與此類似，相當難以解決。

在此議題多元及複雜的情況之下，土地問題的定義其實是相當的困難，但是我們又不得不為，那我們又是如何來定義土地問題？我想說的是，我們往往是以個人的價值觀來進行土地問題的定義，這也就是說，土地問題的建構經常是建基於個人價值觀的抉擇，兩者是無法分離的。而且，我也要進一步告訴各位，問題的定義與問題的解決其實是同時的呈現，我們想要如何的解決這個問題，大抵就會用問題解決的思維內涵來架構我們對於問題的定義，這也就是說，社會問題的定義並非是客觀中立的呈現，它是與我們的價值、意識型態、甚且是利益取向有著絕對的關係。

以我為例，由於過往的研究領域是著重於公共政策及政治經濟學，因此，如何透過土地問題的解決，同時也能夠追尋社會的公平正義，乃成為我定義土地問題的重要參考點。然而，對於其他的學術研究者而言，如何來促進經濟成長可能才是他們的重要思考點，在此情形之下，經濟效率的提升可能就是他們界定土地問題的重要取向。另外，也有學者非常關懷台灣的永續發展，因此，生態環境的保育就成為彼等界定土地問題的主要內涵。因此，土地問題的定義是多元的，土地問題的解決方式也是多元的。

那麼，緊接著一個重要的問題就來了，在這麼多不同土地問題定義的切入點之中，是否有著絕對的對或錯的差異？你可能會發現，好像所有的定義都有它的道理，但也都有著部份的缺憾，這就是公共政策研究之中所謂的弔詭（paradox）—似是而非、又似非而是，這種現象存在於地政學術領域，同時也普遍存在社會科學的研究領域裡面，我們其實很難有一個客觀中立的準則來判斷其間的對或錯。

因此，在這樣的土地問題特質之下，各位未來的地政學術學習過程，必將會接觸許多不同的土地議題，同時，也將與多元的價值進行碰撞，在此情況下，什麼樣的學習態度才是適當的？我衷心建議各位要敞開心胸，多瞭解不同議題的內涵，同時也要接觸不同的價值觀。而且，也請瞭解一點，地政學術領域其實是類似於其他社會學科，至今仍然未產生一個大一統的學術典範（paradigm）來規範這個學術領域，它還有許多待論述、或尚未被揭露之處。在此認知之下，我們必須體認知識的來源是多元的，相對的，我們的學習管道也是多元的，除了教科書及老師們上課的知識傳輸之外，透過我們日常生活的接觸與社會實踐，也是獲取知識的重要管道。我們要多接觸、多聆聽、多討論、多溝通、及多包容，由此來嘗試創造出一個公平公開的地政論述空間，讓彼此透過交互主觀的溝通方式，嘗試凝聚共識，建構及豐富這個學科的內涵。

另外，我要特別強調一點，價值雖然是多元的，但這並不表示你不應該有你的價值抉擇，在未來的學習過程中，最為困難之處，可能就是你要如何的抉擇。建議各位要嘗試將外在的知識融入於你個人的主觀抉擇之中，也就是說，這樣的抉擇應該要回歸到你個人的學習及生活經驗、與成長歷史脈絡裡，這是你的權利，但可能也是你不應該拋棄的義務，請千萬不要輕忽了你的這項責任。以往，由於年紀還小，或許習慣於讓別人來幫你作決定，但是，慢慢的，你要逐漸的來承擔這個責任，不應繼續將其委由別人，或是委由外在的市場、科技、或專家來幫你作決定。這也就是說，你應該要特別的體認，你是個主體，而不是個客體！

最後，我仍不免俗，要恭喜各位能夠進入政治大學，也要歡迎各位加入地政學系的行列，在我的心目中，所謂的「大學」，應該是個充滿理念爭辯的場域，也是個理想與願景相互激盪的精華地方，我相當期待各位能夠在這裡建構出你的理想，與對未來所追尋的大夢，因為這才是社會變遷的最主要原動力，而我相信系上其他老師也會跟我一樣，對各位都有很高的期待的，祝福大家！也祝福我們地政學系！


2007/09/11發表於《地政學訊》，第6期，p. 1。

被操弄的農戶「分類」— 以臺灣土地改革為例

The manipulated ‘classification
of farm households – the example
of Taiwan’s land reform
被操弄的農戶「分類」— 以臺灣土地改革為例

Hsu Shih-jung
Professor, Department of Land Economics, National Chengchi University
徐世榮
國立政治大學地政系教授

Introduction: Taiwanese history textbooks have long sung the praises of post-war land reform such as the 37.5% Arable Rent Reduction Act and the Land to the Tiller Act, and the Kuomintang up to today still relishes flaunting it as its past achievement. But as far as the Taiwanese farm households who had their land confiscated are concerned, did the entire expropriation process and relevant laws fulfill the justice principle? Which issues of transitional justice need to be addressed in connection with the land reform? The organizer of today’s forum, the Taiwan Historical Association, has invited scholars and experts to a symposium on “post-war resource allocation problems.” They engaged in in-depth discussions and analyses on Taiwan’s land reform, the KMT party assets, and economic resources allocation in Taiwan. The Taiwan News presents here the forum highlights.

引言：「三七五減租」、「耕者有其田」等二戰後土地改革政策，長期以來是台灣歷史教科書裡讚揚歌頌的題材，也是國民黨至今仍津津樂道的昔日政績。但是對當年被徵收土地的台灣農戶來說，整個徵收的程序與相關法律是否符合正義原則？這其中有哪些歷史的轉型正義問題需要處理？主辦單位台灣歷史學會特別邀請學者專家，舉辦「戰後資源分配問題」學術研討會，就「台灣土地改革」、「國民黨黨產」、「台灣經濟資源分配」等議題進行深入的剖析與討論。本報特別整理其中部分精采內容以饗讀者。

For a long time Taiwan’s land reform has been given high historic appraisal. It is also regarded as the cornerstone for Taiwan’s political, economic and social development under the Kuomintang government after World War II. Relevant research and papers largely focus on the administrative procedures for implementing the land reform and the recording of legal texts. And most of these papers sing the praises and glorify the KMT government and its great leaders, while lacking in-depth reflection over the land reform.

長久以來，臺灣土地改革被賦予了高度的歷史評價，也被視為臺灣在二次大戰之後，於國民政府統治之下，政治、經濟及社會各方面的發展基石。相關的研究與報告大抵是著重於土地改革實施的行政程序及法律條文的記載，其中更多是對於國民政府及偉大領導者的頌揚及讚美之詞，卻較乏對於它的深刻反省。

For instance, whose land did the KMT government confiscate when the “land to the tiller” policy was implemented? And those who had their land confiscated, did they truly qualify as “landowners”? We also need to ask whether the KMT government after relocating to Taiwan continued to uphold the definition of “landowner” that it had used in the past when still ruling the Chinese mainland. If it was not the same definition, where were the differences? Were these different definitions advantageous or disadvantageous for Taiwan’s numerous landowners? These are the issues that this paper seeks to explore.

例如，在耕者有其田政策施行之時，國民政府是徵收了那些業主的土地？而這些土地被徵收的業主們，他們是否夠資格被稱之為「地主」？我們也要問，國民政府來臺之後對於「地主」的定義是否維持了其過去在中國大陸統治時代的內涵？如果不同，不同之處何在？這不同的定義是相對有利或是不利於臺灣廣大的業主們？如此都是本文亟欲探索的課題。

Objective or subjective classification?
客觀的分類？抑或是主觀的分類？

The KMT government’s classification of peasant “status” differed widely during its rule of China and later during its rule in Taiwan. But in all cases it regarded those who owned farmland and leased it out as “landowners,” while “tenant-farmers” were those who leased and tilled land owned by others. As a result, Taiwan had an enormous number of “landowners,” although the acreage that they owned was actually quite small. Based on the classification criteria of the Chinese era, they would only qualify as “middle peasants” or “poor peasants,” but due to their being classified as landowners they became all objects of the revolution, had their land requisitioned and their livelihood jeopardized.

國民政府在中國統治時期與其在臺灣統治時期，對於農民「成分」的分類有著相當大的差異，凡是擁有農地並將其出租者即被視之為是「地主」，至於「佃農」則是租耕別人所有的土地。這造成的結果是臺灣出現了數量極為龐大的「地主」，而他們所擁有的土地面積其實是相當的狹小；倘以中國時期的分類標準視之，他們僅是夠資格被稱之為「中農」或是「貧農」，但是，在這樣的分類之下，他們皆成為了被革命的對象，土地被侵奪，生活陷入了困境。

How could such a deeply unreasonable “classification” have come about? Actually the “classification” and its connotations are not a manifestation of fairness and objectivity in our society – rather it is deeply affected by political intentions, interests and ideology.

為何會出現如此甚不合理的「分類」呢？其實，「分類」及其內涵並非是公正客觀的呈現在我們的社會，它是深受了政治意圖、利益及意識型態的影響。

The traditional landowner definition
and classification of farm households
傳統的地主定義及農戶分類

Traditionally the term “landowner” largely meant those who owned a large amount of arable land, but did not cultivate the land themselves, mostly lived in the cities and made a living solely by collecting high amounts of rent for their land. Since they collected high rents from tenant-peasants, the image of the exploitative unfair landowner was created. As a result they became the objects of social reforms or revolution.

傳統以來對於「地主」二字的詮釋大抵是指那些擁有大面積的耕地，不自任耕作，大部分是居住於城市之內，純粹靠收取大筆租額為生的土地所有權人。他們對佃農收取高額的租金，造成了剝削的不公平現象，因此成為了社會改革或是革命的對象。

When surveys were conducted in China in the past on rural villages or land, farm households were divided into several classes. For instance, the most often cited example, statistics from a land survey released by the Wuhan Central Land Commission in 1928, divided farm households as follows: Poor peasants (44% of the rural population), middle-class peasants (24%), rich peasants (16%), small and middle landowners (9%), large landowners (5%). In order to qualify as a small landowner, you needed to own at least 307.2 acres of land, which based on the Taiwanese unit of land measurement jia roughly equals 3.17 jia (1 are = 0.01031 jia).

過去在中國實施農村或是土地調查時，農戶之定義可分為許多的等級，例如最常被引用的一份統計資料為1928年武漢中央土地委員會所發表關於中國土地調查統計資料，其中之農戶就分為：貧農（佔農民44﹪）、中農（24﹪）、富農（16﹪）、小中地主（9﹪）、及大地主（5﹪）。如符合小地主定義的土地所有權人，至少必須擁有307.2公畝的田地，約折合臺灣甲數為3.17甲（1公畝＝0.01031甲）。

And based on a 1952 survey for the general compilation of landowners’ properties, 70.62% of all 611,193 farm households in Taiwan had an acreage of less than 1 jia, while 93.23% had less than 3 jia. Farm households with an acreage of more than 20 jia accounted for an absolute minority of just 1.19% of all rural households. In other words, before Taiwan implemented the land-to-the-tiller policy the ratio of households with more than 3 jia of land stood at 6.77%. This shows that the vast majority of landowners in Taiwan had less land than a small landowner in China at the time. This also means that based on criteria of the mainland era the lion’s share of Taiwanese proprietors at the time did not qualify as landowners.

而根據1952年地籍總歸戶的調查顯示，全台灣611,193戶中，所有面積在1甲以下者，佔70.62 %；3甲以下者達93.23 %；農戶中擁有20甲土地面積以上者，僅佔全體戶數的1.19%，幾乎是絕對的少數。也就是說，臺灣在實施耕者有其田政策之前，擁有超過3甲土地的所有權人戶數，其比例僅為6.77%，這表示絕大多數的所有權人戶數，其擁有土地的面積都是低於中國當時小地主所擁有的耕地規模。這表示說，倘以其大陸時代的標準來衡量，臺灣當時大多數的業主皆是不夠資格被稱為地主的。

Unfortunately, after coming to Taiwan the KMT government, guided by an authoritarian ideology and in order to implement the land reform policy, adopted a different classification method for farm households, greatly expanding the definition of the term “landowner.” Anyone who owned land and leased it out was regarded a landowner no matter how much land he owned and how rich he was. Against this backdrop landowners or proprietors were dealt a massive blow. Most miserable were the quite large number of people who co-owned small acreages of arable land. After coming to Taiwan, the KMT government displayed a vastly different attitude, be it regarding the classification of farm households or the definition of these categories. Without doubt this covered up political underpinnings.

遺憾的是，國民政府來臺之後在威權的意識型態主導下，為了實施土地改革的政策，所採取的方法就是對農戶進行不一樣的分類，並且把「地主」二字的定義給予大幅度的擴張，只要擁有土地所有權並將其出租者即為地主，而不考慮該土地所有權人所擁有的土地面積及其富力，在此情況之下，致使當時的土地所有權人或是業主招受了相當大的衝擊，其中最為悲慘的就是那些為數相當龐大的共有耕地的小面積土地所有權人。國民政府在來臺前後，不論是對於農戶之分類，或是對於各類別的定義皆呈現了極大的差異，這無疑是隱藏了政治的意圖。

The miserable owners of co-owned tenanted farmland
悲慘的共有出租耕地業主

Under the land-to-the-tiller policy co-owned tenanted farmland was invariably also confiscated. However, in Taiwan the lion’s share of privately owned farmland is co-owned land. As a result the vast majority of requisitioned privately owned land was co-owned. Many as 82.18% of expropriated households had shared land ownership rights, with their land accounting for 69.51% of the confiscated acreage, a ratio that was comparatively very high.

由於耕者有其田政策基本上對於共有出租耕地是一律徵收，而臺灣多數私有農地又是多屬於共有之狀況。這使得多數私有農地被徵收者中，共有佔了極大的部份。在被徵收之地主戶數中的82.18﹪，其土地權屬是屬於共有，而此部份之土地則是佔了被徵收耕地面積的69.51﹪，比率相對而言是非常的高。

Moreover, surveys from the Japanese colonial era until before the implementation of the land reform show that Taiwan’s land distribution was highly unequal. Statistics from 1920 show that 64% of all households owned less than 1 jia of land and that their accumulated acreage accounted for just 14.65% of total cultivable land. However, households with more than 10 jia of land accounted for just 2.03% of all farm households, but their acreage still added up to 35.8% of all farmland. These figures show that land distribution was quite unequal. Statistics from the general compilation of landowners’ properties after World War II, one year before the land to the tiller policy was implemented, show that households with less than 1 jia of land accounted for 70.62% of all households. Their accumulated acreage accounted for 24.97% of all farmland. As many as 93.23% of all households had less than 3 jia of land, with their accumulated acreage accounting for 58.43% of all farmland. But the just 0.82% of households with more than 10 jia of land owned 15.87% of all farmland, which shows that land distribution was as unequal as before.

再者，從日治時期到土地改革實施之前的調查，皆顯示出臺灣之土地分配已呈現高度的不平均的現象。如1920年之調查統計顯示，1甲以下之所有戶數，佔總戶數的64﹪，而其所有之土地面積，僅佔耕地總面積的14.35﹪；但是10甲以上之所有戶數僅佔總戶數的2.03﹪，而其所有面積竟然高達35.8﹪，由此可見土地分配相當不平均。二次大戰後，於耕者有其田政策實施前一年，從地籍總歸戶的統計資料顯示，1甲以下之所有戶數，佔總戶數的70.62﹪，其所有之土地面積，佔耕地總面積的24.97﹪；3甲以下之所有戶數，佔總戶數的93.23﹪，而其所有之土地面積，佔耕地總面積的58.43﹪；但是10甲以上之所有戶數僅佔總戶數的0.82﹪，而其所有面積則為15.87﹪，分配不平均現象依舊。

From these figures we can infer that the lion’s share of expropriated co-owned tenanted farmland (99,796 jia) was owned by small landowners. Based on the acreage of the subsequently confiscated co-owned farmland and the number of households that had their farmland requisitioned, every expropriated owner of co-owned farmland owned an average of 1.15 jia of land. This is a quite vastly discrepant from the definition of landowner used in the past during the mainland era. Having come to this point, the government’s one-sided propaganda that landowners were economically advantaged, should probably be open to objection. And our general belief that all landowners were allowed to keep at least 3 jia of tenanted middle-grade paddy field is also a misunderstanding, because all co-owned tenanted farmland had to be confiscated. Consequently, many small landowners with co-owned land had their livelihood thrown into jeopardy.

由此可推論，在所有被徵收的共有出租耕地（99,796甲）當中，應該有絕大部份是屬於小土地所有權人。而根據後來共有耕地的徵收面積與被徵收耕地戶數來計算，每一被徵收的共有耕地業主平均擁有1.15甲耕地，這也與過去在大陸時期對於地主的定義相去甚遠。至此，政府一面倒的宣傳地主是處於經濟上的優勢，可能就有其商榷之處。而我們一般認為所有地主至少都可以保留三甲的出租中等水田也是一項誤解，因為共有出租耕地皆必須被徵收，也因此使得許多擁有共有地的小業主生活陷入困境。

Therefore the uniform application of the expropriation policy to co-owned tenanted farmland actually dealt a quite cruel blow to proprietors of co-owned tenanted farmland. Although they were later on granted partial redress, the threshold was again very high so that only a very small number of people benefited from these measures. Back then the Taiwan Province joint supervisory group for the Land-to-the-Tiller-Act made the following statement:

因此，共有出租耕地一律予以徵收的政策，對於共有出租耕地業主而言實在是帶來相當嚴酷的打擊，雖然後來有給予部分的補救，但是所設定之門檻卻又是非常的高，這使得受惠者相當的稀少。當時之臺灣省實施耕者有其田聯合督導團就有下列之敘述：

Article 8 of the Land-to-the-Tiller-Act stipulates that in line with the standards of Article 10 the old, infirm, orphaned, widowed, and handicapped people whose livelihood depends on co-owned land may keep their land. In a supplementary rule, Article 17, Paragraph 1 of the Enforcement Rules of the Land-to-the-Tiller-Act again restricts this to households whose total annual tax burden for fiscal year 1952 was less than 100 yuan. Due to this strict rule only a very small number of people in each county or city were allowed to keep their land. In large counties just 300-500 applied for retaining their land, while in smaller counties just 100-200 applications were filed, of which a scarce 10-20 percent were actually approved. Among those whose applications were not approved were inevitably a small number of people who definitely belonged into the category of single-living elderly or orphans and widows without relatives. According to reports from land offices across the island, people tearfully pleading for their land were a common sight. This group has already seen generations of orphans and widows left without any livelihood after their land had been expropriated. Even those whose household tax exceeded the 100 yuan cap just by a tiny amount had their land taken away. Even when tenant-peasants couldn’t bear it and out of sympathy wanted to renounce acquiring the expropriated land, land office personnel would not allow it, citing the law.

實施耕者有其田條例第八條規定，准許老弱孤寡殘廢藉共有土地維持生活者，照第10條之標準，保留土地。施行細則第17條第1項，又以41年度全年戶稅負擔總額在一百元以下者為限，以為補充規定；因此項嚴格之規定限制，故各縣市審查准予保留者，為數極少，計大縣申請保留者不過三、五百件，小縣不過一、二百件，而實際核准者，僅十分之一二；此中不免有少數確係老弱無靠，孤寡無親，而未得核准者，據各縣市地政事務所報告，到所哭求保留者，屢見不鮮。本團在各地亦見有兩三代孤寡者之土地被徵收後，即無以為生之實例；亦有戶稅超過規定至微，如一百零幾角，亦被徵收；甚有佃戶同情不忍，而願意放棄承領，地政人員亦以礙於法令，未予准許者。

These descriptions quite clearly demonstrate the tragic lot of owners of tenanted farmland. They did not own much land and relied on it for their livelihood. But back then they were all labeled “landowners” just because their land was co-owned and leased out so that they became unpardonable exploiters. Without doubt this is a quite wrong accusation and it did not come as a surprise that some tenant-peasants sympathized with the owners of co-owned tenanted farmland and were willing to voluntarily give up the land and return it to the original owners. However, due to the government’s compulsory rules, most moves to return the land to the original owners could not be realized as wished.

這段敘述相當清楚的指出共有出租耕地業主的悲慘困境，他們所擁有的土地面積不多，並且賴此維生，當時卻只因為是處於共有及出租的狀況，即被冠上了「地主」的稱謂，變成了萬惡不赦的剝削者，這無疑是相當不正確的指控，也難怪部份佃農會反過來同情共有出租耕地的業主，願意自動退耕，將土地歸還給這些業主，不過由於政府的強制規定，這些歸還的舉動大抵都是無法如願。

The KMT government’s inconsistent standards must actually be reexamined and reconsidered. This situation should be corrected. There must be a more appropriate classification, and based on this, belated redress must be made.

國民政府這樣標準不一致的作為，其實是必須予以檢討與省思的，這樣的情形應該要被更正，要有更為適當的分類，並由此來進行遲來的補救。

Edited by Tina Li/Translated by Susanne Ganz
編輯李美儀/英文翻譯全樹曦

2007/7/18 發表於 Taiwan News ,p.5.

地主有兩種

與馬先生談土改真相、溫和分田政策之謬誤
馬英九先生對於台灣土地改革的歷史評價為：「為了避免中國大陸地主被殺戮或掃地出門的悲劇在台灣重演，溫和分田政策實際上是保護了地主，讓台灣社會維持了最大程度的團結。」所指涉的應該是民國四十二年所施行的耕者有其田政策，規定地主所能夠保留的出租耕地為中等水田三甲（旱田則為六甲），超過的部分則必須徵收並放領給佃農。由於地主仍能保留部份耕地，馬先生因此將之稱為「溫和分田政策」。這是完整的事實嗎？

根據實施耕者有其田條例第八條規定，被徵收之出租耕地雖然包含了七項，但是真正重要者卻只有二項：一、前述地主超過規定保留標準之耕地；二、更為重要、但是長久以來一直被我們所忽略的「共有之耕地」。

根據統計，在所有被徵收的一四三、五六八甲耕地中，屬於第一項的個人有耕地為三二、○六三甲，佔二十二．三三％；屬於第二項的共有耕地則為九九、七九六甲，竟高佔六十九．五一％。這顯示出一個重要的事實：國民政府所實施的耕者有其田政策，其所徵收的耕地高達七成為共有耕地。而共有耕地的擁有者並未受到至少可以保留中等水田三甲的保障！

由於共有出租耕地不論面積多寡，是一律徵收；因此民情激憤，當時的台灣省實施耕者有其田聯合督導團及立法院內政考察團，在下鄉考察之後都明白指出這一嚴重的缺失，並要求立即改善，但國民政府卻僅是虛應故事而已。因此，所謂「溫和分田政策」並不正確。

為何會出現這麼大的偏差？主因當時執政者嚴重扭曲「地主」定義。根據實施耕者有其田條例第六條，「本條例所稱地主，指以土地出租與他人耕作之土地所有權人」，也就是土地所有權人只要將其土地出租予他人耕作，不論面積多寡，就是地主。

這樣粗糙及錯誤的定義，使得台灣的地主數量非常高，但是他們所擁有的土地面積卻大都在一甲以下。而這也就是趙岡教授所稱，若田地出租給他人耕作，便是地主，那「實在是太恭維了」這些土地所有權人了！也就是說，台灣當時的農戶絕大多數都是不夠資格被稱之為地主，而只是小面積的「業主」。更應該注意的是，若是運用國民政府在中國統治時期的地主計算標準，台灣絕大多數的農戶根本不夠資格稱之為地主。

國民政府來台之後，為了要實施土地改革，竟然將地主的定義做了幾無限制的擴張，凡是擁有耕地，並且將其出租者，便被冠之以地主的稱謂，而其命運也因此大有不同。命運最為悲慘的，當屬共有出租耕地業主！他們大部分都僅有小面積耕地，藉以維持生計，但是這些小面積耕地大概都被徵收，並且放領給了佃農，根本沒有受到馬先生所稱的「保護」。


2007/07/11 發表於《自由時報》，A15，自由廣場

環評制度何去何從？

據悉，主政者為了力拼經濟成長，正欲對於阻擋了嫌惡開發案通過的環境影響評估制度進行結構性的改變，所提的新構想除了要重新定義環境影響評估的內涵與目的，並計畫將目前環評制度所被賦予的權力大幅度的限縮，使得未來環評制度僅是著重於開發案通過之後的「實質監控」與「事後追蹤補救」，此議倘若通過，環評制度大抵可謂是名存實亡，僅是權力擁有者的橡皮圖章；連帶地，環保署在國家重大公共政策上所能扮演的角色也將嚴重的退卻。

上述的觀點並不表示目前的環評制度沒有根本的缺失，筆者過去曾經為文指出環評制度的根本缺失乃是在於下述三項：一、環評的相關作業是由開發單位所聘請的顧問公司來主導，二、環評所需的相關資訊也是由開發單位所掌握，三、環評作業嚴重的偏科技輕人文。在這三項缺失之下，我國過去的環境影響評估大抵僅是作個樣子罷了，而統計數字也清楚的顯示了這一點，因為絕大多數的環評案例，皆是以「有條件通過審查」來結案的。若以此三項缺失來對照主政者現今對於環評制度所提的變更意見，可以發現二者之間有了明顯的差異。

究其差異之根源，乃是對於環保問題有了不一樣的見解。環保問題不僅是技術的問題，它根本上就是個政治的問題，可惜的是，長久以來由於受到西方啟蒙時期實證科學主義思維的影響，認為主觀的價值是可以與客觀的事實分離，因此，行政工作人員應該要著重於客觀技術操作部份，至於主觀的價值部份就留給政治人士來決定。也由於科技擁有許多技術操作的能力，因此往往就被賦予了客觀中立的形象，成為社會問題解決的主要關鍵。由此反映於行政體制上的設計，就是政府在各行政部門皆成立了許多的「委員會」，並聘請了許多學者專家的加入，由於學者專家大多擁有科技運作的能力，因此委員會就被冠上了客觀的形象，它的決定也就代表了公共利益，是社會各界必須共同來服膺。

不過，上述的思維其實一直都是受到挑戰，尤其是在一九六○年代全球蜂擁而起的環保運動以來，更是如此。論者發現，科技其實也是有其主觀的立場，例如，評估結果最終所呈現出來的數據其實是建構於許多主觀的假設之上，而為了達到事前所設定的目標，許多的假設前提或是模式因子也是可以依據政策的需要來予以更動的。因此，學者Freudenberg及Steinsapir就指出草根環保運動對於科學及技術人員往往是抱持著懷疑的態度，對於其所宣稱代表公共利益的立場也無法全然的接受。彼等也發現，政府及工業界往往會轉化環保的問題，將它們由原本該屬的政治領域，變更為科學及技術的問題，因此問題的解決就必須留待科技及專業人員，而不是一般的民眾參與。

由環評制度未來可能的結構改變，我們明顯又看見了這樣的問題轉化，環評的權力將往高層集中。試問，即將於下個月卸任的環評委員有哪一位不是學者專家呢？問題的關鍵乃是他們所表達的公共利益與主政者所要的公共利益不一致罷了，而由本屆環評委員積極努力欲掙脫上述結構性之限制，展現自主治理卻仍不可得的情況，也凸顯了「委員會」機制的侷限性。更讓人匪夷所思的是，環保署近日竟然是與開發者一致，公開質疑自己所聘請環評委員的立場。

該如何解決這個課題？並且能夠建構未來環境影響評估制度在社會當中的公信力？其關鍵之處，並非是要走回老路，將環保問題僅視之為是個技術問題，並納入更多的科技及環工人員於環評委員會之中；而是要更大幅度的開放環評委員會與社會各界的接觸與溝通，並運用行政程序法所賦予的聽證程序及其他可能的民主手段，來尋求社會大多數所認可的公共利益。

2007年7月11日 發表於《地政學訊》，第5期，P.1